Ebook: Rituals of the past : prehispanic and colonial case studies in Andean archaeology

The use of the plural term rituals in the title of this volume points to the
variety of theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of ritual in
anthropology and archaeology. One approach to the study of ritual has been
to follow a theoretical view based primarily on practice theory, which posits
that the structure of daily life serves as a small-scale reflection of the broader
organizational tenets of society (Bourdieu 1977). This perspective aligns with
the argument made in religious studies by Bell (1992) and later reinforced in
anthropology by Moore (2005) that ritual action and ritual belief cannot be
separated. Ritual is viewed as more than just action, but one wholly embedded
within the larger social structure of the particular society. In this sense, this
practice approach opened the platform for studying ritual from an everyday
life perspective and away from an emphasis on monumental archaeological
sites. Some of the case studies in this volume, while not necessarily following
this theoretical perspective, do discuss ritual in a variety of non-monumental
contexts, including mountain-pass shrines (Nielsen, Angiorama, and Ávila),
quarry mines (Van Gijseghem and Whalen), and small architectural structures (Contreras).

The Andes, a succession of parallel and transverse mountain ranges, or cordilleras, extend over the modern-day South American countries of Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, Venezuela, Chile, and Argentina. The archaeological record
demonstrates that the Andes were the backdrop of some of the world’s bestknown prehispanic cultures (e.g., Nasca, Moche, Inka). Moreover, we know
from ethnohistorical, ethnographic, and anthropological sources that ritual
was a key component in the formation and maintenance of many of these
prehispanic societies, as well as of present-day Andean indigenous communities (Abercrombie 1998; Bolin 1998; Isbell 1978). Many scholars have observed
that some of the ritual practices and traditions are continuations from prehispanic times. For example, the present-day worship of the Andean mountains
(apus) has been documented throughout many Andean areas (Allen 1988;
Anders 1986; Bolin 1998; Reinhard 1985), and ethnohistorical documents indicate that the Inka also practiced this type of ritual (Gose 1986; Kuznar 2001).
Andean archaeologists have used this evidence to make archaeological inferences about pre-Inka apu worshipping practices for societies such as the Wari
(ad 550–950) (e.g., Glowacki and Malpass 2003; Moseley 2001; Williams and
Nash 2006). While the rituals may have continued through time, their meanings were constantly reconstructed. Following this tradition, some case studies in this volume deal with certain rituals (e.g., termination rituals, apacheta/
cairn worship, and mountain worship) that appear to have been recurrent in
many parts of the Andes as fluid and dynamic practices (Edwards; Nielsen,
Angiorama, and Ávila, Van Gijseghem and Whalen, this volume).
Through the study of archaeological, ethnographic, linguistic, and historical evidence from northern Peru to northern Chile, Bolivia, and northwest
Argentina, the authors in this volume show the significance of ritual from precontact to the present day in the Andes. The volume, however, does not follow one specific theoretical or methodological approach; instead, broad topics
are of concern to many of the contributors. The analysis of Andean ceremonial architecture to infer power relationships is present in many of the case
studies (e.g., Abraham, Chicoine et al., Edwards, Fernandini and Ruales, this
volume). This is not surprising, given that the social effort implied in public
construction can be understood as a reflection of power (Moore 1996:3) andAN ARCHAEOLOGy OF RITUALS 11
also because people’s values and beliefs shaped Andean architecture (ibid.:123).
However, current research (Bray 2015; Meddens et al. 2014) has demonstrated
that rituals can be performed beyond architectural walls and in a variety of
entities. Some of the authors in this volume demonstrate this phenomenon;
Nielsen and colleagues discuss rituals at mountain passes and apachetas, and
Van Gijseghem and Whalen focus on rituals inside mines. Other scholars, while focusing mostly on architecture, connect rituals in human-nature
engagements such as with canals and water (Rick, this volume) and floors and
fire (Onuki, this volume). Another important topic is the relationship between
Andean cosmologies and social memory (e.g., Onuki; Nielsen, Angiorama,
and Ávila; Van Gijseghem and Whalen, this volume). The chapters in this
book demonstrate how the archaeological study of ritual activity can help us
better understand past ideology, site function, elite strategies of power, local
adaptations to colonialism, and perceptions of space and landscape.
The chapters in this volume are organized based on common themes and
loosely chronological associations. Of course, other divisions could have
been possible, since some similar topics (e.g., the study of structured depositions) crosscut different theoretical approaches and time periods. However, a
chronological order was needed since the essays deal with data from one large
region: the Andes. The volume begins with a discussion of ritual to understand
cosmologies and ideologies during Chavín times in present-day Peru. After
discussing the taphonomy of ritual evidence at Chavín de Huántar, John Rick
details a variety of ritual locations, which include pits, construction fills, and,
most notably, underground galleries and canals. While the canals functioned
to drain and supply water, Rick interprets the complex design and content of
part of the canals as places where water-related rituals took place. The concentration of complete but smashed vessels at the conjunction of canals is
understood as an indication of possible locations of ritual sacrifice. Situating
his interpretation within specific Andean cosmology, Rick suggests that these
particular contexts could have represented the Andean belief tinku: the ritual encounter of water and people. These water-related rituals were perhaps
performed to control the risks and outcomes involving water’s energy, which
would have been part of the complex belief system at the temple of Chavín.